Abstract
This article analyses and compares how three far-right Greek parties – Greek Solution, Victory, and Voice of Reason – draw on religious narratives to advance exclusionary politics between 2019 and 2024. Applying Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to parliamentary debates, social media posts, public statements, and manifestos, the study illustrates how each party moulds Greek Orthodox Christianity into a strategic resource for shaping collective identity and promoting their agenda. Greek Solution blends conspiratorial rhetoric with sacred claims, presenting its leader as a guardian of Orthodoxy; Victory invokes doctrinaire authority through monastic endorsements, framing its positions as morally mandated; and Voice of Reason merges Orthodox references with global “anti-woke” themes to mobilise support. Together, these parties reinforce symbolic boundaries and solidify moral legitimacy for radical platforms, prompting significant implications for social cohesion, public trust, and democratic stability. The findings highlight the dynamic, context-specific power of religion within modern far-right populism.
1 Introduction
The interplay between religion and far-right politics has gained renewed scholarly attention, particularly as political movements increasingly exploit religious narratives to advance exclusionary agendas (Marcinkiewicz and Dassonneville, 2022; Peker, 2022; Schwörer and Romero-Vidal, 2020). In Greece, this phenomenon is particularly pronounced, with the rise of political parties that weaponise Greek Orthodox Christianity to adopt nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-progressive ideologies, often framed as resistance to so-called “woke” movements (Cammaerts, 2022). Among these, three parties – Greek Solution, Victory, and Voice of Reason – stand out for their strategic incorporation of religious and ultraconservative values into their rhetoric. The focus of this study is set on parliamentary speeches, social media posts, and manifestos, blending religious symbolism with nationalist narratives to mobilise support and legitimise policies. How do these parties employ religious rhetoric to shape their political agendas, and how do their strategies differ?
The mobilisation of religious narratives within far-right politics is not unique to Greece but represents a broader European trend. Research highlights the historical ties between far-right movements and Christian values in Western Europe, where religion often serves as a cultural marker rather than a driver of specific agendas (Mudde, 2019). In the Christian Orthodox context, however, religion plays a more central role. Earlier studies by Lazaridis and Tsagkroni (2016) explored how the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn and far-right ANEL (Independent Greeks) utilised Greek Orthodoxy to frame migration as a threat to national and spiritual identity. Similarly, the far-right LAOS (Popular Orthodox Rally) aligned itself with religious conservatism during the mid-2000s (Dragonas, 2013; Ellinas, 2012; Lazaridis and Tsagkroni, 2016). These studies largely focus on earlier political entities, leaving a gap in understanding how contemporary far- right parties deploy religion in the post-Golden Dawn era (from 2019 onwards).
Greek Solution’s parliamentary emergence in the 2019 general election, Victory’s entry into parliament in 2023, and Voice of Reason’s rise following the 2024 European Parliament elections mark a significant shift. These parties, while sharing common ideological foundations, exhibit distinct approaches in their rhetoric and political strategies. Existing research provides some insight: Mitralexis (2024) demonstrates Greek Solution’s alignment with Orthodox Church practices, while Kordas (2023) analyses how Victory uses religious ethnonationalist themes. However, significant gaps remain, particularly regarding Voice of Reason, which has received little academic attention despite its rapid ascent.
By situating these parties within the broader literature on the far-right, nationalism, and political religion, this study contributes to our understanding of Orthodoxy’s evolving role in contemporary Greek politics by comparing the three parties. Crucially, this article advances the literature by examining the distinct rhetorical strategies and doctrinal stances within far-right politics in the Christian Orthodox setting. The religious framing of those Greek parties extends beyond previous cases and introduces new dimensions, such as the incorporation of pseudoscience and the adoption of global “anti-woke” rhetoric.
This study offers a more nuanced, comparative perspective on how religion can be both a flexible discursive toolkit and a moralising force in the wider far-right populism. In doing so, it provides a new framework for understanding how Orthodoxy is weaponised to legitimise exclusionary policies, shape nationalist agendas, and respond to shifting socio-political currents in Greece and, by extension, other European contexts.
2 The Greek Far-right Today
The classification of Greek Solution and Victory as far-right entities is well-established in existing academic literature (Asimakopoulos and Fouskas, 2023; Kordas, 2023; Tsagkroni, 2023). In contrast, Voice of Reason’s ideology remains under-researched. A critical examination of its manifesto, rhetoric, and political positioning suggests that it aligns closely with far-right ideology (Voice of Reason, 2024).
2.1 Greek Solution (Greek: Ελληνική Λύση )
Founded in 2016 by Kyriakos Velopoulos, Greek Solution aligns populist rhetoric with ultranationalist ideology, leveraging Orthodox Christianity to justify policies against immigration (Karakatsouli, 2021), LGBTQ+ rights, and multiculturalism. Velopoulos’ discourse often combines religious motifs with pseudoscience, exemplified by his promotion of “handwritten letters from Jesus Christ.” His rhetoric attacks immigration, particularly from predominantly Muslim countries, as a cultural and religious threat to Greece’s identity. Greek Solution’s platform illustrates how religion is operationalised as a political tool, blending cultural conservatism with reactionary nationalism to mobilise support among voters resistant to progressive change.
2.2 Victory (Greek: Νίκη )
Established in 2019, Victory is led by Dimitris Natsios, a theologian and educator. The party is heavily inspired by Orthodox Christian teachings, which it merges with a nationalist framework to oppose LGBTQ+ rights, gender equality, and multicultural integration (In, 2023). Natsios has framed the party’s resistance to progressive reforms as a defense of the divine order. The endorsement of Victory by certain monastic communities underscores the party’s claim to moral and spiritual legitimacy. This reliance on religious absolutism situates Victory within broader trends of cultural backlash, where opposition to liberalisation is presented as divinely sanctioned.
2.3 Voice of Reason (Greek: Φωνή Λογικής )
Founded in 2023, Voice of Reason is led by Afroditi Latinopoulou, a lawyer and former tennis athlete (Vasilopoulou, 2024). The party combines anti-immigration rhetoric, opposition to LGBTQ+ rights, and criticism of progressive ideologies. Latinopoulou’s approach frequently employs polarising language to invoke Orthodox Christianity as a cornerstone of Greek identity. Her discourse frames globalisation and multiculturalism as threats to national and religious cohesion, framing progressive social movements as undermining traditional values.
3 Theopolitical Populism
This study integrates political theology with framing theory and literature on cultural boundary-making, thereby offering a more systematic understanding of how religion becomes a resource for far-right political projects. Far from treating religion as a mere cultural backdrop, this approach emphasises how political actors strategically construct and deploy religious narratives to legitimise exclusionary agendas.
Political theology concerns the ways religious symbols, doctrines, and moral vocabularies are appropriated in political arenas (Gentile, 2020; Schmiedel, 2023). In a context where Christianity – and specifically Orthodox Christianity – commands deep historical resonance, far-right leaders can sacralise political discourse, presenting their platforms as divinely sanctioned missions rather than ordinary policy choices. This process transforms national identity into something more than ethnicity or territory: it becomes a sacrosanct category, guarded against perceived threats, whether from multiculturalism, progressive movements, or religious minorities.
The result here is a form of “theopolitical populism” where religion anchors the people’s moral standing and justifies the exclusion of those seen as incompatible with the nation’s spiritual essence, fuelled by emotionality within religion (Morieson, 2021). Other scholars have already examined the theoretical link between populism and religion, such as Papastathis (2024), yet the use of this framework allows for a more extensive examination of religious weaponisation. It is crucial to clarify that this study views populism as a thin-centred ideology (Mudde, 2017), while the inclusion of theological elements heightens its emotional impact and creates a unique style within the far-right. More importantly, the far-right often adopts an extreme Manichean us-versus-them perspective (Taggart, 2018), effectively prioritising hate speech against minorities over substantive policy agendas.
While political theology explains why religious elements carry potent moral weight, framing theory clarifies how far-right actors actively shape these symbols into coherent narratives. According to framing theory, political entrepreneurs construct interpretive packages – frames – that align diverse grievances with culturally salient themes (Benford and Snow, 2000). In Greece’s case, parties like Greek Solution, Victory, and Voice of Reason strategically select Orthodox Christianity as their master frame, linking it to concerns about other issues.
To understand why religious frames resonate, it is important to consider how they mark symbolic boundaries that separate the moral in-group – Orthodox, “authentic” Greeks – from the suspect out-groups – migrants, religious minorities, or progressive activists (Lamont and Molnár, 2002; Tajfel and Turner, 1986). Orthodox Christianity thus becomes a cultural toolkit (Swidler, 1986) that far-right actors draw upon to legitimise in-group solidarity and justify out-group exclusion.
This theoretical framework moves beyond accounts of religious references in political rhetoric. It proposes that the potency of religious weaponisation arises from three interconnected mechanisms: (1) moral legitimacy: political theology elevates policy stances from the realm of preference into one of moral duty, aligning nationalist objectives with divine providence; (2) frame resonance: by employing frames that connect cultural insecurities to religious motifs, far-right leaders ensure their messages resonate with pre-existing narratives embedded in collective memory; and (3) boundary-making: religious symbolism strengthens symbolic boundaries, deepening the moral schisms that render certain social groups suspect or unwelcome. In other words, religion does not function as a static backdrop. It is dynamically interpreted and wielded, forming a “moral anchor” that legitimises and normalises extremist discourse.
4 Method
This study adopts Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to investigate the discursive strategies employed by three far-right Greek parties – Greek Solution, Victory, and Voice of Reason – when weaving religious themes into their political rhetoric. CDA offers a set of interpretive tools that foreground the ideological dimensions of language use and the ways in which power relations are reproduced or challenged through discourse (Fairclough, 2010; Wodak and Meyer, 2015). It is particularly well- suited to examining how far-right actors embed religious narratives to construct “us versus them” distinctions, reinforce moral frames, and shape perceptions of national identity (van Dijk, 2015).
The data were drawn from parliamentary speeches, social media posts, interviews, party manifestos, and news articles (Dunmire, 2012). A custom-made Python script was used to assemble an initial corpus of 50 samples per political party and their leaders, focusing on the period between 2019 and 2024. To enhance the analytical depth, a secondary, targeted selection of materials specifically referencing religious motifs or Orthodox Christian identity was employed. This secondary filtering aligns with CDA’s premise that context-specific sampling – centred on “key sites” where ideologies become most transparent – enables richer insights into how discourse constructs and legitimises power relations (Fairclough, 2010). Identifying references to Orthodoxy, as well as discussions on moral and cultural boundaries, aligned the selection process with the study’s central research questions about how religion features in far-right politics.
Leaders Kyriakos Velopoulos (Greek Solution), Dimitris Natsios (Victory), and Afroditi Latinopoulou (Voice of Reason) were targeted due to their substantial influence on political messaging and media coverage. CDA’s micro- and macro-level analysis provided a framework for highlighting how leader-centric communications interacted with institutional and societal discourses (van Dijk, 2015). The critical lens helped unpack the ways in which conspiracy theories, monastic endorsements, and “anti-woke” language were anchored in a broader ideological project. Full details of the dataset appear in Appendices A, B, and C.
5 Greek Solution and Kyriakos Velopoulos
The case of Kyriakos Velopoulos offers a clear illustration of how religious narratives help produce moral boundaries between an “authentic” Orthodox Greek in-group and various “deviant” or “contaminating” out-groups. Empirical evidence from interviews, media statements, social media posts, and parliamentary interventions reveals a leader who frequently portrays migrants, LGBTQ+ individuals, and other marginalised groups as threats to a divinely sanctioned moral order. Through such rhetoric, Velopoulos not only signals his alignment with Christian teachings but also redefines political adversaries, cultural changes, and global challenges as religious and moral transgressions.
5.1 Islam and Immigration
In the POLITICO article “The unorthodox Greek” (POLITICO, 2019), and throughout various media appearances, Velopoulos presents immigration – especially from predominantly Muslim countries – as an existential danger to Greece’s Orthodox identity. He has advocated extreme measures, such as the death penalty for people smugglers, invoking religiously coded language about defending the “soul” of the nation. Here, Velopoulos advances the argument that Muslim migrants erode the moral fabric of Orthodox Greece, and thus, he aligns immigration policy with religious duty: protecting borders becomes safeguarding sacred tradition. Islamophobia in Greece is driven by migration and fear of Islam, as noted by Sakellariou (2019), which is reinforced by how Velopoulos exploits this sentiment.
This logic is visible in his disparaging references to Turkey, where he frames geopolitical frictions as inherently cultural and religious conflicts. For example, in one video titled “It is a national disgrace that Mitsotakis congratulated the Turkish ‘Republic’!” Velopoulos criticises any cordial relations with Turkey, conflating political diplomacy with betrayal of Orthodoxy. Such claims transform a complex geopolitical issue into a moral dilemma, reinforcing binary oppositions between a faithful Greek self and a spiritually alien other. Religious references here function as moral amplifiers, making restrictive immigration policies appear less like pragmatic decisions and more like principled stands against religious contamination and cultural dissolution.
Through these examples, we see how Velopoulos leverages framing theory to connect immigration concerns to religious concepts of purity and heritage. He taps into cultural anxieties about foreign influence and presents his hardline measures as spiritually mandated. This resonates with broader European radical right narratives that portray Islam as inherently incompatible with Christian Europe, strengthening the perceived moral necessity of exclusion (Strømmen, 2023).
5.2 Pseudoscience
Velopoulos’ promotion of “letters of Jesus Christ” demonstrates another dimension of how religious themes can be mobilised to bolster political credibility. According to coverage by the Hellenic Hoaxes videos and documented instances on television, Velopoulos has asserted: “Our Christ wrote letters; He wrote them Himself. How can I be the only man in the world to possess these letters? Buy them now!” Scholars like Karakatsouli (2021) and Thomas (2024) have debunked such claims, labelling them as pseudoscientific and exploitative.
Still, by claiming possession of sacred relics, Velopoulos frames himself not merely as a politician, but as a guardian of religious mysteries, someone divinely entrusted with spiritual truth. This blending of nationalist politics, conspiracy, and religious artefacts insulates his platform from rational critique: followers who trust his claims may perceive any questioning of his policies as irreverent or even sacrilegious. Religious references thus become shields against accountability, anchoring ideology in a realm of faith and myth beyond ordinary scrutiny. The public’s emotional investment in religious heritage makes these fabrications persuasive tools, enabling him to present exclusionary, xenophobic narratives with moral impunity. This pseudoscientific claim serves as a powerful framing device, not merely to attract gullible followers but also to sanctify Velopoulos’ political narrative. Consequently, he adds an aura of untouchability to his platform, undermining evidence-based critique and solidifying a moral narrative that transcends mere policy debates.
5.3 LGBTQ+ Rights
Greek Solution’s rhetoric on LGBTQ+ rights similarly leverages religious doctrine to justify discrimination. In debates over same-sex marriage, Velopoulos has stated, “Christianity says ‘love one another,’ but it does not say ‘homosexuals should marry each other’” (Mentioned in The TOC). Another statement recorded by ERT News defines marriage as “the mother, the father, and the children,” explicitly excluding same-sex unions. Invoking Christianity to circumscribe acceptable family structures is a strategy, which portrays equality for LGBTQ+ couples as a violation of divine order and an affront to national tradition.
These references are not merely personal opinions but elements of a broader discursive strategy. By linking heterosexual family norms to Orthodoxy, Velopoulos appeals to conservative voters who see themselves as custodians of a sacred inheritance. He implicitly casts LGBTQ+ individuals as morally aberrant (as described in LIFO), labelling their quest for equal rights as cultural sabotage. This rhetorical framing resonates with findings in other European contexts (Cornejo-Valle and Ramme, 2022), where far-right parties elevate religious orthodoxy as a bulwark against perceived moral decay.
6 Victory and Dimitris Natsios
Victory, led by Dimitris Natsios, provides a comparable example, albeit with slight variations. While Velopoulos uses religious cues to justify exclusionary stances and conspiratorial claims, Natsios takes a more doctrinaire approach, presenting his platform as explicitly endorsed by religious authorities. This strategy emerges in media interviews, party manifestos, and reported endorsements by monastic communities (EFSYN, 2023; TA NEA, 2023), all of which Natsios leverages to frame political positions as sanctioned by a higher, spiritual authority. Natsios offers voters moral certainty. In effect, disagreements become spiritual deviations rather than alternate policy perspectives. This elevates his discourse to a sphere where questioning the party’s stance appears as challenging divine wisdom.
6.1 Divine Endorsement
Victory’s empirical materials, such as coverage by News 24/7 (2023) and Voria.gr, document how monks from Esphigmenou Monastery, Mt Athos, and other religious figures have reportedly guided believers to vote for Victory. Natsios has called Victory the “party of the church” and promised that “The State would assist the Church in implementing its choices in the safest way, harnessing the healing power of our faith for the benefit of the Greek people.” Such public statements integrate religion directly into the political domain, asserting that the party’s policies reflect divine intention rather than human compromise.
This “divine endorsement” approach reduces political debate to matters of spiritual loyalty. The empirical evidence thus shows how Natsios employs religious institutions as co-legitimators, constructing a moral hierarchy where his party’s policy proposals are not merely options but moral imperatives, supported by religious authority and haloed by spiritual legitimacy.
This political opposition also targets other religious groups, portraying them as incompatible with Orthodox values. Dimitris Natsios and his party frequently single out Islam, using xenophobic and anti-religious rhetoric. They often depict Greece as experiencing an ongoing “invasion,” thereby linking religious differences to broader concerns about national sovereignty.
6.2 LGBTQ+ Rights
Natsios and Victory have been outspoken opponents of gay marriage and LGBTQ+ rights, which was officially legalised in Greece in February 2024 (Reuters, 2024). During parliamentary discussions and interviews, including one on Action 24 titled “Marriage and Adoption by Same-Sex Couples: Dimitris Natsios Responds to Key Questions” Natsios stated, “We are fully aligned with the Gospel. We are inspired by the fact that God has created man and woman.” He went on to openly suggest that marriage should be reserved exclusively for heterosexual couples.
His party’s rhetoric reflects a broader pattern in which religious discourse is amplified to legitimise homophobic sentiment (Smith, 2019). By invoking the Gospel and framing opposition to gay marriage as a matter of divine design – “God has created man and woman” – he situates his stance within an unchallengeable moral framework, effectively aligning his argument with the authority of religious doctrine. This use of religious language not only appeals to traditional and conservative audiences but also constructs LGBTQ rights as a direct challenge to religious values (Cornejo-Valle and Ramme, 2022).
The discourse employed by Dimitris Natsios, particularly in his interview with Newsbomb, underscores a consistent strategy of adopting religious ideology with state policy to oppose LGBTQ+ rights. Natsios reinforces the notion that family structures involving same-sex couples are incompatible with Christian teachings, declaring that “two men are not a family, and that is what Christ said about the importance of family.” By directly linking religious teachings to the state’s legislative decisions, he frames the recognition of gay adoption as a violation of both spiritual and societal order. This approach aims to depict legislative advancements for LGBTQ+ rights as disruptive and divisive, exaggerating their societal impact by suggesting that the rights of “only 500 homosexual couples living in Greece” are “sufficient to unsettle and polarise the entire country”.
Natsios’ assertion that “everything is of the devil” exemplifies the moral absolutism inherent in his rhetoric. The phrase amplifies his opposition to LGBTQ+ rights by casting them as not merely political or social matters but as manifestations of evil (Cornejo-Valle and Ramme, 2022). Such language heightens the stakes of the debate, positioning opponents of gay adoption as defenders of faith and tradition against forces of corruption and moral decay.
The discourse analysis of Natsios’ rhetoric reveals a consistent strategy of invoking faith and tradition to delegitimise LGBTQ+ rights while constructing a binary framework of good versus evil (Winkler, 2023). He connects legislative change to a perceived erosion of traditional family values and religious principles, which allows him to strengthen the emotional and moral appeal of his arguments. Moreover, his focus on a small number of same-sex couples as disproportionately influential creates a narrative of societal victimhood, suggesting that the majority is being unjustly overshadowed by the minority.
6.3 Anti-Woke Politics
Dimitris Natsios’ parliamentary speech on November 6 (YouTube: «
It also demonstrates the nationalist and religious elements within Natsios’ discourse. By asserting that “homeland” and “religion” have prevailed, Natsios appeals to a culturally conservative audience that perceives these domains as under siege from progressive or “woke” agendas. His invocation of Trump’s victory serves as both validation of and inspiration for similar domestic efforts to combat such ideologies – a narrative that emerged in 2016 and persisted in Europe throughout Trump’s first presidency (Gaufman and Ganesh, 2024). The use of stark, triumphalist language suggests a moral imperative, presenting Trump’s win as part of a broader cultural war.
Later in the same speech, Natsios uses this narrative again by framing progressive ideologies, particularly those involving gender and reproductive rights, as existential threats to social cohesion and moral order. He notes, “those woke ideals have no place in a Christian world.” The pairing of national identity with religious devotion constructs a worldview in which the preservation of cultural heritage and spiritual values necessitates the rejection of liberal reforms. This framing not only mobilises domestic support but also situates Greece as part of a larger front against perceived global cultural homogenisation (Vieten and Poynting, 2022).
It is vital to highlight that the term “woke agenda” is often employed pejoratively by far-right groups as a dog whistle – a coded expression that conveys a specific, often derogatory, message to a targeted audience while appearing innocuous to others (Quaranto, 2022). In this context, it is used to criticise progressive social movements advocating for racial justice, gender equality, and LGBTQ+ rights, framing these efforts as excessive or misguided. This rhetorical strategy allows speakers to appeal to individuals resistant to social change without overtly expressing discriminatory views, thereby maintaining plausible deniability. Such usage demonstrates how language can be weaponised to subtly undermine social justice initiatives while avoiding explicit bigotry (Saul, 2018).
7 Voice of Reason and Afroditi Latinopoulou
This last section of the analysis examines the rhetoric and policy positions of Afroditi Latinopoulou and her political party, Voice of Reason, revealing three core themes: anti-LGBTQ+ stances, the construction of Greek national identity, and anti-immigration discourse. Latinopoulou leverages Orthodox Christianity as a unifying framework. Her rhetoric encompasses religious, cultural, and national values to construct a vision of Greek society that rejects progressive social change and multicultural integration. Through strategic use of religious narratives, emotional appeals, and exclusionary language, these discourses aim to fortify traditional hierarchies, polarise public opinion, and consolidate support among ultraconservative constituencies (Pickel and Pickel, 2024).
In this context, Orthodoxy becomes a key cultural resource, allowing Latinopoulou to paint progressive reforms as direct affronts to a sacred national heritage. Like the other far-right parties, Voice of Reason activates religious motifs to intensify moral claims, elevate its stance beyond mere policy preference, and present its worldview as spiritually sanctioned. This approach aligns with framing theory’s emphasis on the selective promotion of resonant narratives, and with symbolic boundary-making, as faith-based criteria delineate who is morally worthy and who is not. Additionally, like the other two leaders, Latinopoulou’s approach heavily relies on emotional appeals that are tied to theopolitical populism – a plea against societal progress in favour of exclusionary politics.
7.1 LGBTQ+ Rights
Afroditi Latinopoulou’s rhetoric on religion and politics reveals a calculated alignment of traditionalist values with far-right ideology, designed to appeal to a highly conservative electorate. In a July 2022 statement reported by Greek City Times, she described same-sex marriage and adoption by same-sex couples as “irrational, unnatural and against our religion,” further asserting that “it is not normal for a child to grow up with two fathers or two mothers.” In a 2024 interview with Proto Thema, she doubled down by referring to traditional marriage as a “sacred sacrament,” tying religious authority to her political platform and framing non-traditional families as threats to the socio-religious order. Here, Latinopoulou exemplifies how religious references can transform social debates into moral crusades. This whole framing establishes a binary between what is characterised as natural and sacred – heteronormative family structures – and what is described as deviant or profane – non-traditional families (Heinemann and Stern, 2022). Just like Natsios, her arguments are embedded within a framework of moral absolutism that resonates with notions of collective identity.
Latinopoulou frequently employs ridicule and dismissive language to undermine non-traditional family structures. In the same 2024 interview with Proto Thema, she trivialised diverse familial configurations by stating, “Two men or three men and two cats or two women and three kangaroos are not a family.” Such hyperbolic comparisons not only marginalise LGBTQ+ families but also support normative stereotypes. This approach aligns her with a broader far-right populist strategy that weaponises religious narratives to polarise public opinion and resist progressive social change (Boulila et al., 2024; Wielowiejski, 2020). It bolsters her political image as a defender of ‘traditional’ Greek and Christian values while dismissing calls for inclusivity. This tactic of mockery serves multiple purposes: it simultaneously dehumanises the targets and reassures supporters that traditional norms hold divine validity.
Her party’s manifesto further enshrines religious doctrine as the basis for delineating acceptable moral and social norms. Marriage is described as a “sacred union exclusively between one man and one woman,” presented as a divine mandate rather than a social preference. This language frames gay marriage as incompatible with both religious and national values. Subtler rhetorical devices in the manifesto underpin these positions. For example, its call to “protect children from educational promotion of practices and beliefs incompatible with Christianity” casts LGBTQ+ advocacy as harmful – a practice seen elsewhere in Europe as well (Fangen and Lichtenberg, 2021). The language constructs LGBTQ+ individuals as threats to morality and children’s innocence, employing terms like “incompatible practices” to dehumanise and reduce their identities to moral failures.
These policy prescriptions illustrate how religious framing migrates into concrete proposals. Latinopoulou invokes the “protection” of children and tradition, in order to align with a global pattern where far-right actors justify discrimination as a moral necessity. The emphasis on Orthodoxy amplifies the moral gravity, positioning resistance to LGBTQ+ rights as essential to defending divine truth and national purity.
In a June 2023 interview with Espresso, Latinopoulou reiterated the motto “Homeland, Religion, Family,” emphasising that “Christianity [is] the pillar of our core values.” The triptych gained prominence during the dictatorship years in Greece, as it was frequently employed by the ruling generals to promote their vision for the nation (Andreopoulos and Grammenos, 2021). In that way, the regime sought to encapsulate and communicate its ideological agenda, often combining elements of nationalism, religion, and authoritarianism. The use of the triptych not only served to legitimise their governance but also bolstered a unifying narrative that aligned with their broader political and cultural objectives. Similarly, Latinopoulou chooses to employ a historically charged slogan associated with authoritarian rule. Here, she taps into pre- existing cultural memories where religion was central to national identity formation. This historical resonance lends additional weight to her arguments, reminding audiences that these values have been invoked before to justify strong, hierarchical social orders.
Through these statements, Latinopoulou uses religious framing to transform opposition to progressive reforms into a moral obligation. She intentionally heightens public anxieties and reinforces the divide between a virtuous, devout majority and a misguided minority. These religious narratives shape collective identity by blending cultural authenticity with moral righteousness, while also promoting anti-woke and strong anti-LGBTQ+ sentiments to preserve what she views as authentic Greek tradition.
7.2 National Identity
Another crucial theme is how the party’s manifesto presents Orthodox Christianity as integral to Greek national identity, describing it as a core component of the “cultural, spiritual, and historical DNA of Hellenism.” This elevates Orthodoxy from a personal belief system to a defining element of Greek identity, presenting adherence to its values as a patriotic duty. By framing religious doctrine as inseparable from national heritage, the manifesto excludes other religious and secular ideologies, labelling them as alien or un-Greek. Latinopoulou often uses Islamophobic tropes to promote the national identity, in a similar way as Velopoulos and Natsios.
Greek national identity is depicted as an enduring and dominating blend of historical continuity, cultural distinctiveness, and Orthodox Christianity. The manifesto contrasts this identity with globalisation and homogenisation, which are described as existential threats. Statements such as “We are a Christian Orthodox country, not just a space” reject fluid conceptions of identity, instead anchoring Greekness in specific markers like language, religion, and customs. The party uses religious references to reify national identity as something sacred and unalterable. In doing so, it transforms debates about openness, diversity, and global integration into high-stakes moral contests. Religion becomes the glue that binds cultural elements together, and any dilution of Orthodoxy appears as an erosion of the nation’s very soul.
Globalisation is characterised as a force eroding national and cultural distinctiveness. The manifesto opposes the “transformation of nation-states into a unified multiracial mosaic,” embracing the exclusivity of Greek identity and rejecting global cultural integration. Such rhetoric glorifies Greece’s historical and cultural legacy while calling for measures to protect it, such as promoting Orthodox values through education and state mechanisms. The safeguarding of Orthodoxy to the fight against global homogenisation is the party’s powerful narrative: defending the Church and its values is tantamount to defending Greece against cultural dilution. The fusion of religion and nationalism intensifies the moral urgency of isolationist policies, casting them not as xenophobic choices, but as righteous defenses of a divine heritage.
Anti-Immigration
7.3 Islam and Immigration
Immigration is described by Afroditi Latinopoulou as a critical issue affecting Greece’s cultural and religious fabric. It argues that an influx of individuals, particularly from Muslim countries, could dilute the nation’s Orthodox identity. This nativist perspective frames cultural cohesion and religious unity as prerequisites for preserving Greece’s traditional values (Mavrommatis, 2022). To address these concerns, the party advocates strict immigration controls and integration policies aligned with Orthodox principles. These measures are presented as necessary to protect Greece’s heritage and ensure that its historical and religious foundations remain intact from outside forces.
Latinopoulou has repeatedly linked Orthodox Christianity to anti-immigration rhetoric. In a May 2024 interview with Action24, she argued that migration, particularly from non-Christian regions, poses a threat to Greece’s identity. The party’s slogan, “Homeland, Religion, Family”, once again encapsulates this ideology, combining cultural preservation with national sovereignty (Andreopoulos and Grammenos, 2021).
Religious language amplifies the urgency of these measures, framing Muslims as external forces undermining Greece’s moral and spiritual integrity. This exemplifies nativism, as Latinopoulou advocates for the rights of native populations in opposition to perceived external threats, such as migrants (Newth, 2023). Her use of terms like “illegal immigrants” dehumanises migrants, creating a stark dichotomy between Orthodox Greeks and outsiders. Those references elevate exclusionary policies to the level of moral imperatives. The portrayal of migrants as spiritually and culturally incompatible strengthens the boundary that separates “us” from “them,” ensuring that hardline measures appear not just justified, but obligatory for preserving an alleged sacred order.
Policy proposals, such as relocating migrants to uninhabited islands until deportation, are framed as necessary for safeguarding the nation’s cultural and religious values. Latinopoulou also advocates cutting migrants’ benefits, arguing that resources should be prioritised for those aligned with Greece’s religious and national identity. Statements like “Orthodox Christianity is the cornerstone of our nation’s identity, and any dilution poses a direct threat to our cultural survival […] We can’t allow illegal migrants to shape us” frame immigration as both a demographic and spiritual crisis. This rhetoric effectively attempts to whitewash anti-immigration measures as virtuous and patriotic, using religious narratives to justify exclusionary policies.
8 Discussion
A closer look at these three parties – Greek Solution, Victory, and Voice of Reason – reveals points of convergence that demonstrated their shared far-right orientation focused on political theology, as well as substantive distinctions in tone, leadership style, and methods of persuasion. One commonality lies in their appropriation of Orthodox Christianity as a marker of cultural authenticity and moral legitimacy against “woke.” Another commonality lies in the use of Islamophobic tropes by all three parties. In that sense, each party weaponises faith-based tropes to delineate a core “us” against various “others,” usually defined through issues like immigration, LGBTQ+ rights, or broader globalisation trends. Orthodoxy becomes a shorthand for national identity, moral rectitude, and the preservation of a threatened past. Yet despite these overarching thematic similarities, the parties differ in how they curate religious narratives.
Greek Solution stands out due to its leader-centric model, wherein Kyriakos Velopoulos crafts a persona that fuses charismatic leadership with conspiratorial messaging. His penchant for promoting pseudoscientific and mystical artefacts – exemplified by the “letters of Jesus Christ” – creates an aura of exclusivity and hidden knowledge, positioning him as both spiritual gatekeeper and political guardian. The religious framing here is less about institutional Orthodoxy and more about individual revelation or miraculous sources of authority, which lends itself to spectacle and sensationalism.
Victory, by contrast, draws more directly on the ecclesiastical fabric of Greek Orthodoxy, emphasising monastic endorsements and employing a rigid moral framework of virtue versus sin. Instead of championing secret relics or conspiracies, it hinges on venerated religious authorities and centuries-old traditions, framing its ideology as the logical outgrowth of an unbroken spiritual lineage. This doctrinaire approach exerts a powerful pull-on segment of the electorate who may feel alienated by fast-evolving social norms. Unlike Greek Solution’s leader-focused spectacle, Victory’s appeal rests on communal validation: the party uses monastic pronouncements, and the aura of sanctity associated with certain clerical figures as signs of unimpeachable correctness.
Voice of Reason diverges from both Greek Solution and Victory in its alignment with contemporary global culture wars, emphasising Greek Orthodox values as the main opposition to progressive views. Afroditi Latinopoulou weaves together religious references with a more recognisably American “anti-woke” discourse that emphasises perceived attacks on religion, free speech, traditional family structures, and national sovereignty. This rhetoric, combined with an emphasis on the Orthodox Church, resonates strongly in online spaces, tapping into memes, viral slogans, and digital content that may appeal to younger, social media – savvy supporters. While Latinopoulou’s stance shares Greek Solution’s alarmism and Victory’s moral absolutism, her chosen rhetorical style is more cosmopolitan. Rather than basing credibility on monastic authority or mystical artefacts, she draws upon a broader far- right populist vocabulary that questions multiculturalism, climate activism, or “cancel culture.”
These findings enrich scholarship on the nexus of far-right politics and religion by demonstrating that faith-based narratives can be flexibly adapted to meet varying strategic needs, rather than operating through a single, uniform formula. The Greek example shows how political actors draw on longstanding spiritual identities – such as the interlacing of Orthodoxy and national consciousness – to anchor their agendas in moral authority. Yet the diversity observed among these three parties offers a more refined view of how religious discourse can be framed within the far-right: one party may focus on conspiratorial claims and mystical artefacts to foster a leader-centric style, another may seek validation through monastic endorsements and strict moral binaries, and a third may blend local religious motifs with global populist rhetoric. This plurality counters any assumption that far-right movements with religious aspirations must align rigidly to a single doctrinal playbook.
These observations speak to a broader pattern across Europe, where far-right groups often recalibrate religious narratives in response to evolving social, political, and cultural contexts. In many European countries, Christianity – or, in some cases, a more secular heritage discourse – has been invoked to reinforce boundary-making processes and bolster collective identities against perceived “others.” Within this panorama, Greek Orthodox Christianity may appear exceptional due to its historic position as a national cornerstone, but the strategic use of religious mythologies, symbolic capital, and moral rhetoric parallels developments seen in Catholic or Protestant regions. Migrant “crises,” growing debates over LGBTQ+ rights, and wider “culture war” clashes supply fertile ground for movements to mobilise religious symbols and sentiments, constructing a moral scaffolding that can justify exclusionary agendas.
By showing that some far-right parties adapt religious references to fit local anxieties – sometimes emphasising conspiratorial leadership, sometimes wielding monastic endorsements, sometimes drawing on transnational culture wars – this study highlights the flexible and context-dependent nature of religious rhetoric. Far from being an immutable pillar of conservative politics, religion emerges as a malleable tool readily shaped by the ideological, historical, and cultural factors at play. The resulting variety of religious framings, from hyper-personalised conspiracies to rigid moral dualisms to global “anti-woke” messaging, underscores a crucial point for European far-right scholarship: religion, wherever it is enlisted, should be viewed not as a static dogma but as a strategic resource that can be recalibrated to address immediate social or political threats.
Future research should expand comparative studies beyond the Greek context to encompass other Orthodox-majority countries such as Serbia, Romania, and Bulgaria, as well as explore parallels in Catholic and Protestant far-right movements across Europe. Such comparative analyses would illuminate whether the strategies observed in Greece are part of broader transnational patterns or if they exhibit unique national characteristics rooted in each country’s historical and religious contexts. Additionally, longitudinal studies are essential to trace the evolution of religious rhetoric in far-right politics, particularly in response to global phenomena like migration crises, digital media proliferation, and shifting cultural norms. Investigating how these narratives adapt over time can provide deeper insights into the resilience and transformation of religiously framed far-right ideologies.
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Appendix A
Greek Solution and Kyriakos Velopoulos sampled content.
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Ο Πρόεδρος της Ελληνικής Λύσης Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος στο One Talkκαι τον Τάκη Χατζή . YouTube. -
Ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος σε µια συνέντευξη εφ’ όλης της ύλης |Η Επόµενη Μέρα . Action 24. -
Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος –Συνέντευξη στο Mega Channel 20/2/24. YouTube. -
Κ. Βελόπουλος –Συνέντευξη Τύπου στα Ιωάννινα 10/6/23. YouTube. -
Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος –Συνέντευξη στο Πατρίδα TV. YouTube. -
Συνέντευξη του Κυρ. Βελόπουλου στην ΕΡΤ ενόψει των ευρωεκλογών . YouTube. -
Ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος στον ALPHA. Alpha TV. -
Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος : «Κάθε σοβαρό κράτος έχει plan bαν καταρρεύσει το νόµισµα ». MEGA TV. -
Ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος ‘Στο Κέντρο’ – «Δεν είµαι µε τους Ουκρανούς γιατί ξέρω ιστορία ». YouTube. -
Κ. Βελόπουλος: Έχουµε ένα ξεχαρβαλωµένο κράτος –Είναι πολλές οι συµπτώσεις στα Τέµπη . YouTube. -
Βελόπουλος : «Η διαφορά µας µε τα άλλα κόµµατα, είναι ότι εµείς µπορούµε να εφαρµόσουµε ό ,τι λέµε . Pagenews.gr. -
Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος: ‘Η Ελλάδα χρειάζεται µια νέα πολιτική κατεύθυνση’ . MEGA TV. -
Kyriakos Velopoulos: From TV salesman to European Parliament. Al Jazeera.
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The unorthodox Greek. POLITICO.
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Unlikely Greek election candidate touts jobs and miracle cures. Euronews.
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The mixer of ruthless demagoguery. eKathimerini.
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Leader of nationalist Greek Solution tears the Prespa Agreement in Parliament.
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Greece’s political paradoxes and labels. eKathimerini.
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Greek Solution: Greece’s far right gathers steam before EU elections. France24.
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Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος: Ο τηλεπωλητής πολιτικός και το κόµµα-απορροφητήρας . LIFO. -
Νοµοσχέδιο για οµόφυλα ζευγάρια : 175 «ναι » µε ρωγµές στα κόµµατα . LIFO. -
Βουλή: Άρση ασυλίας του Κυριάκου Βελόπουλου αποφάσισε η Ολοµέλεια . LIFO. -
Βουλή: Άρση ασυλίας του Κυριάκου Βελόπουλου . Kathimerini. -
Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος: Η Ελληνική Λύση δεν πεθαίνει . Kathimerini. -
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Θα σας κόψω τα χέρια » –Εξώδικο Βελόπουλου στα ΜΜΕ . LIFO. -
Βελόπουλος : «Κανένας πολιτικός δεν µπορεί να δώσει οδηγίες στον κλήρο ». LIFO -
Εντός και Εκτός: Ο Βελόπουλος, ο Φλωρίδης και ο Καραµανλής . Kathimerini. -
Η Ελλάδα στην κορυφή της κατάταξης για τα δικαιώµατα της ΛΟΑΤΚΙ κοινότητας σύµφωνα µε τη Rainbow Europe. LIFO. -
Καπουτζίδης : «Ενηµερώστε τον ότι πήγα στρατό » –Η απάντηση στη χυδαία οµοφοβική επίθεση . LIFO. -
Χαµός στο κοινοβούλιο !Ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος έδωσε στεγνά τον ΣΚΑΙ για το ρεπορτάζ που έκανε για τους αντικειµενόφιλους !. TikTok. -
Αυτή είναι η Ελληνική Λύση !Πριν από λίγα λεπτά ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος κατέθεσε πρόταση νόµου, υπογεγραµµένη από όλους τους βουλευτές του κόµµατός του , µε την οποία… . TikTok. -
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Κύριοι της Νέας Δηµοκρατίας, παραιτηθείτε »!Ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος συγκλόνισε το κοινοβούλιο , µε µια εξαιρετική ανάλυση για την εκλογή Τραµπ . TikTok. -
Τρέµουν τον Βαγγέλη Μαρινάκη !Ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος «ισοπέδωσε »Μητσοτάκη, Ανδρουλάκη, Βορίδη και ολόκληρη την σιµητοπαρέα, αποδεικνύοντας ποιος είναι αυτός που δεν φοβάται να TikTok. -
Συγκλονιστική οµιλία Βελόπουλου στο Ελληνικό κοινοβούλιο !Αγαπάµε την πατρίδα την Ορθοδοξία την οικογένεια, είπε συναισθηµατικά φορτισµένος ο πρόεδρος της TikTok. -
Ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος, από την Κοζάνη, έδειξε στον Μητσοτάκη την πόρτα της εξόδου ! -
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Φύγε µπας και σωθεί η Ελλάδα »! TikTok. -
Ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος είπε το αυτονόητο !ΤΕΛΟΣ ΟΙ ΑΣΤΥΝΟΜΙΚΟΙ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΦΥΛΑΞΗ ΕΦΟΠΛΙΣΤΩΝ !Η αστυνοµία δεν είναι σεκιουριτι των ολιγαρχών !. TikTok. -
Ο Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος αποκαλύπτει το σχέδιο της Αµερικής για το πολιτικό προσωπικό της Ελλάδας τα επόµενα χρόνια !Ελεγχόµενος ο Μητσοτάκης, επόµενος ο Κασελάκης και στο βάθος Τσίπρας ! TikTok. -
ΔΗΛΩΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΥ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΛΥΣΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΚΑΤΑΘΕΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΠΑΣΟΚ ΠΡΟΤΑΣΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΣΥΣΤΑΣΗ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΙΚΗΣ ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΑ ΤΕΜΠΗ . TikTok. -
ΔΗΛΩΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΥ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΛΥΣΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΑΝΤΙΜΕΤΩΠΙΣΗ ΦΟΡΟΔΙΑΦΥΓΗΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ . TikTok. -
Δώσαµε γη και ύδωρ στους Αµερικανούς χωρίς κανένα Εθνικό όφελος !Βάλαµε στην πλάτη της Ελλάδας έναν τεράστιο στόχο και δεν έχουµε να επιδείξουµε έστω και µία εγγύηση από τους δήθεν συµµάχους µας ! TikTok. -
Όταν βγαίνει ο Γερµανός υπουργός άµυνας Πιστόριους και µιλάει ανοικτά για πιθανότητα πολέµου στην γηραιά Ήπειρο, τότε πρέπει όλοι να καταλάβουµε πόσο κοντά είναι ένας παγκόσµιος πόλεµος ! TikTok. -
Ποιος είναι τώρα ο «σαχλαµάρας »;Η απάντηση του Βασίλη Κικίλια σε ερώτηση του Κυριάκου Βελόπουλου για την χρήση επιβραδυντικού υγρού στη φωτιά της Πάρνηθας , «καίει »τον Μητσοτάκη, ο οποίος από το βήµα της Βουλής είχε κάνει λόγο για ψεκασµένες θεωρίες ! TikTok. -
Εκκλησία κατά Βελόπουλου για τις ψεύτικες επιστολές του Χριστού . Liberal.gr. -
«
Πλήρωσε ο Έλληνας αυτό το αχάριστο πλάσµα για να χλευάζει την ορθοδοξία –Είναι η ντροπή της Ελλάδας ». TikTok. -
Κ. Βελόπουλος: Εκτίθεστε µε αυτά που λέτε –Γάµος είναι η µάνα, ο πατέρας και τα παιδιά . ERT News. -
Ο Βελόπουλος και ο Αρρενωπός Αλέξανδρος . Protagon.gr. -
T
ο άγχος Βελόπουλου, ο σκοταδισµός της Νίκης και η… «αγάπη µόνο »της Ζωής . TA NEA. -
Βελόπουλος: Ο χριστιανισµός λέει “αγαπάτε αλλήλους”, αλλά δεν λέει “παντρευτείτε µεταξύ σας οι οµοφυλόφιλοι ”. The TOC. -
Βελόπουλος: Κυριάκος Βελόπουλος: Έλεγαν ότι εγώ δίνω χειρόγραφες επιστολές του Ιησού . Hellenic Hoaxes. -
Βελόπουλος : «Όταν είσαι χριστιανός ορθόδοξος η άµβλωση απαγορεύεται ». Vradini.
Appendix B
Victory and Dimitris Natsios sampled content.
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Εκλογές 2023 –Νίκη: Το κόµµα του θεολόγου µε τις σχέσεις στο Άγιον Όρος και τις εκκλησιαστικές οργανώσεις . ProtoThema. -
The priorities, and the secrets of Athos. eKathimerini.com.
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ΝΙΚΗ –Νατσιός: Θα πολεµήσουµε για το τρίπτυχο Πίστη, Πατρίδα, Οικογένεια . Voria.gr. -
Ηγούµενος Μονής Εσφιγµένου: Μοναχοί κατευθύνουν πιστούς για να ψηφίσουν . Voria.gr -
Το σκοτεινό δίκτυο της Νίκης –Πώς το κόµµα του θεολόγου από το Κιλκίς έφτασε να διεκδικεί την είσοδό του στη Βουλή . Enikos.gr. -
Εκλογές 2023 –Ιερά Μονή Φιλοθέου: Δεν έχουµε σχέση µε το κόµµα ΝΙΚΗ . NewsIT. -
Εκλογές 2023 –Μονή Καρακάλλου: Ανυπόστατα τα δηµοσιεύµατα για ανάµειξη στις εκλογές και σχέση µε το κόµµα «Νίκη ». Newsbeast. -
Αρχιεπίσκοπος Ιερώνυµος : «Ως εδώ » –Παρέµβαση για «εµπλοκή της Εκκλησίας και κληρικών της στα πολιτικά δρώµενα της χώρας ». In.gr. -
Μητροπολίτης Αλεξανδρουπόλεως κατά κόµµατος «Νίκη »: «Εργαλειοποιούν τη θρησκευτική ταυτότητα ». Liberal.gr. -
Το κόµµα Νίκη, η «Ελλάς-Ελλήνων-Χριστιανών »θεωρία τους και η «λίγκα του Βορρά ». TA NEA. -
Το ακροδεξιό, οµοφοβικό και «ψεκασµένο »αφήγηµα του κόµµατος «Νίκη ».ΤΑ ΝΕΑ -
Άρχισαν να παίρνουν µορφή οι «ορφανές »ψήφοι της ακροδεξιάς –Ποιο είναι το κόµµα -
«
Νίκη »; In.gr -
Ποια είναι η ΝΙΚΗ που φλερτάρει µε την είσοδο στη Βουλή στις εκλογές της 25ης Ιουνίου . Voria.gr -
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Γάµος »και τεκνοθεσία οµοφυλόφιλων ζευγαριών: Ο Δηµήτρης Νατσιός απαντά σε καίρια ερωτήµατα . ERT News. -
«
Προσπαθούνε να εξαιρέσουνε από τα αµαρτήµατα την οµοφυλοφιλία !» –Δηµήτρης Νατσιός . YouTube. -
Καθήλωσε στη Βουλή ο Δηµήτρης Νατσιός: Μπαζώνετε τα Τέµπη , µπαζώνετε και τις συνειδήσεις σας . Ekklhsia Online. -
Συλλαλητήριο στο Σύνταγµα κατά της τεκνοθεσίας από οµόφυλα ζευγάρια –Βίντεο και φωτογραφίες . Proto Thema. -
Ιερά Σύνοδος : «Όχι »σε γάµο οµόφυλων ζευγαριών και τεκνοθεσία . Naftemporiki. -
«
Πώς θα αντικρίσετε το λαό που σας ψηφίζει ;Μη µπαζώνετε τη συνείδησή σας !» –Δηµήτρης Νατσιός . YouTube. -
Δηµήτρης Νατσιός στο Newsbomb: «Για 500οµοφυλόφιλα ζευγάρια αναστατώνεται και διχάζεται η κοινωνία ». YouTube. -
Νοµοσχέδιο για οµόφυλα ζευγάρια : 175 «ναι » µε ρωγµές στα κόµµατα . Kathimerini. -
Υπερψηφίστηκε το νοµοσχέδιο για το γάµο των οµόφυλων ζευγαριών µε 176 «ναι » –Τα «όχι »και οι απουσίες . ERT News. -
«
Νίκησε η αξιοπρέπεια, ηττήθηκε η wokeπαράνοια !» –Δηµήτρης Νατσιός για νίκη Τραµπ . YouTube. -
Νατσιός (ΝΙΚΗ ):Θα καταψηφίσουµε οποιαδήποτε πρόταση νόµου για τη νοµιµοποίηση του γάµου των οµοφυλοφίλων . LIFO. -
ΝΙΚΗ: Ο Δηµήτρης Νατσιός µίλησε για όλους και για όλα στη ΔΕΘ και κέρδισε τις εντυπώσεις . Politic.gr. -
Ο πρόεδρος της ΝΙΚΗΣ Δηµήτρης Νατσιός στο Tvkosmos Rodosγια Άδωνι Γεωργιάδη, σχέσεις µε Ρωσία,Τέµπη . YouTube. -
Το επιτελικο κράτος αποδεικνύεται ανικανο να προστατέψει τς ζωές και τις περιοσίες των Ελλήνων πολιτών . Instagram. -
Δηµήτρης Νατσιός : «Την επόµενη φορά που η Μαρέβα θα πάει εκκλησία ίσως τη δούµε να µοιράζει και αντίδωρο » -
Ευρωεκλογές 2024:Ο Δηµήτρης Νατσιός ψήφισε στην Πιερία . LIFO. -
Ψήφισε ο Δηµήτρης Νατσιός: Εµπρός µε τη ΝΙΚΗ για τη νίκη του Ελληνισµού . LIFO. -
Ο Δηµήτρης Νατσιός στην «Επικαιρότητα »για την Εθνική Επέτειο της 28ης Οκτωβρίου, τον πατριωτισµό και τα µηνύµατα σήµερα . Orthodoxia News Agency. -
Χείµαρρος από τη Θεσσαλονίκη ο Δηµήτρης Νατσιός. Μίλησε για όλους και για όλα στη ΔΕΘ και κέρδισε τις εντυπώσεις . Victory Official Website. -
Νατσιός από 88η ΔΕΘ: Να επιστρέψουν στα σχολεία µαθητική στολή, έπαρση σηµαίας και εθνικός ύµνος . Voria.gr. -
Δηµήτρης Νατσιός : «Μυστικές διαπραγµατεύσεις µε την Τουρκία για τα εθνικά µας θέµατα ». Politic.gr. -
Νατσιός: Η πύρινη κόλαση ξεγύµνωσε τον κρατικό µηχανισµό . CNN Greece. -
Κλίµα εσωστρέφειας (;)και στο κόµµα ΝΙΚΗ . Dimokratia. -
Δηµήτρης Νατσιός: Βαδίζουµε στη δασοπυρόσβεση µε εργαλεία του 1980το 2024. News24/7. -
Δ. Νατσιός: Ζητάµε από τον λαό να βοηθήσει την ευγενική προσπάθεια της Νίκης . Naftemporiki. -
Εκλογές 2023:Δηµήτρης Νατσιός, ο θεολόγος που έβαλε τη «Νίκη »στον εκλογικό χάρτη . Proto Thema. -
Δηµήτρης Νατσιός: Ροζ . Kathimerini. -
Δηµήτρης Νατσιός από Θεσσαλονίκη : «Σήµερα είναι διπλή γιορτή για την πόλη ». ERT News. -
Νατσιός (ΝΙΚΗ ):Θα καταψηφίσουµε οποιαδήποτε πρόταση νόµου για τη νοµιµοποίηση του γάµου των οµοφυλοφίλων . LIFO. -
Δηµήτρης Νατσιός: Τα µόνα του «όπλα »Πατρίδα και Ορθοδοξία . Dimokratia. -
Βελόπουλος και Νατσιός σε οµοφοβικό παραλήρηµα στη Βουλή . Antivirus. -
“
Επιχείρηση Νατσιός” από τη Ν .Δ –Έµφαση στη Βόρεια Ελλάδα από Μητσοτάκη και κορυφαία στελέχη για να αποκλειστεί η “Νίκη ” –Προπύργιο το Άγιο Όρος –Γιατί κινδυνεύει η αυτοδυναµία . Libre. -
Έξαλλος ο Νατσιός µε τη ροζ ελληνική σηµαία σε έργο τέχνης : «Η σηµαία µας βάφεται µε κόκκινο µόνο µε το αίµα των ηρώων µας ». Newpost. -
Νατσιός : «Είµαστε κατά της υποχρεωτικότητας του εµβολιασµού για τον κορωνοϊό ». Proto Thema. -
Εκλογές 2023 –Δηµήτρης Νατσιός: Ο πρόεδρος της ΝΙΚΗΣ καταγγέλλει αποκρύψεις ψηφοδελτίου σε εκλογικά τµήµατα . NewsIT. -
Ρωσόφιλοι, αντιεµβολιαστές, κατά των αµβλώσεων, παρα-εκκλησιαστικοί: Υποδεχτείτε τη -
«
Νίκη ». LIFO. -
Δηµήτρης Νατσιός: Ο Άγιος Νεκτάριος να µας δίνει δύναµη να περάσουµε τα δύσκολα . Sportime.
Appendix C
Voice of Reason and Afroditi Latinopoulou sampled content.
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Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου στον Δανίκα : «Εγώ είµαι µε τη Μελόνι και τη Λεπέν που είναι κεντροδεξιές ». Proto Thema. -
Eight new members of the European Parliament to watch. The Parliament Magazine.
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Δύο γυναίκες µε καταγωγή από τον Έβρο εκλέχθηκαν στην Ευρωβουλή . Evros24. -
Η Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου 10χρόνια πριν σε αγώνα τένις . Intronews.gr. -
Λατινοπούλου: Η ηλικία, το βιογραφικό και το κόµµα Φωνή Λογικής . STAR TV. -
Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου: Έχω πρότυπο τη Θάτσερ –Ο Στέφανος Κασσελάκης θα κάνει µια τρύπα στο νερό, είναι φυτευτός . Proto Thema. -
Από τις αξύριστες µασχάλες και τους λαθροµετανάστες στην Ευρωβουλή. ΤΟ ΒΗΜΑ -
Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου: Ο Κωνσταντίνος Μπογδάνος καταγγέλλει πως ίδρυσε το κόµµα της µε πλαστές υπογραφές . Proto Thema. -
Εκλογές 2023:Εκτός το κόµµα της Λατινοπούλου µετά την προσφυγή Μπογδάνου . ERT News. -
Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου: Φωνή Λογικής η µετονοµασία του κόµµατός της –Δείτε βίντεο . Proto Thema. -
LGBTQ Greeks battle online hate in landmark year for rights. France 24
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Α.Λατινοπούλου: Ο Κοµµουνισµός είναι ένα εξίσου επικίνδυνο ολοκληρωτικό καθεστώς µε το Ναζισµό . MeaCulpa.gr -
Ποια είναι η… Λατινοπούλου ;. Parapolitika. -
Μίλησε και η Λατινοπούλου –Στηρίζει τον αντικοµµουνισµό Μπογδάνου . In.gr. -
PASOK’s second chance. eKathimerini.com
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Λατινοπούλου στο OPEN:Δεν υπάρχουν ακροδεξιά κόµµατα στην Ελλάδα . ETHNOS. -
New Democracy draws a clear line against Latinopoulou while refocusing on PASOK as main opponent. Proto Thema.
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The 23 kookiest MEPs heading to the European Parliament. POLITICO.
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Nine new hands and 12 old ones heading to Strasbourg. eKathimerini.com.
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Λατινοπούλου κατά Καπουτζίδη: Κι εγώ θα βρω µία φριτέζα και θα γεννήσουµε τηγανητές πατάτες . Proto Thema. -
Ο Αγών.. της Λατινοπούλου: Οι drag queensαπειλούν τα παιδιά µας . In.gr. -
Σφράγιση των συνόρων, ζήτησε από τον Έβρο η Αφρ. Λατινοπούλου . Xronos.gr. -
Ποιος τάισε την Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου ;.ΤΟ ΒΗΜΑ . -
Λατινοπούλου: Φωνή της (ακροδεξιάς )παρά-λογικής ! Xekinima. -
Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου στην Πρώτη Λέξη: Ταυτίζοµαι µε τη Λεπέν, είµαστε και οι δύο κεντροδεξιές . Proto Thema. -
Δήλωση της Αφροδίτης Λατινοπούλου για το ντροπιαστικό Athens Pride 2024 –ΦΩΝΗ ΛΟΓΙΚΗΣ –ΑΦΡΟΔΙΤΗ ΛΑΤΙΝΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ . YouTube. -
Λατινοπούλου: Σαδοµαζοχιστές και ανωµαλίες, γιατί δεν πάει η αηδία του Prideστο Ιράν . Flash. -
Α.Λατινοπούλου: Δεν υπάρχει κανένας λόγος στη σηµερινή Ελλάδα να γίνονται pride –Πρέπει να καταργηθούν . Pronews.gr. -
Λατινοπούλου για γάµους οµόφυλων ζευγαριών: Είναι αφύσικο και κόντρα στη θρησκεία µας . Proto Thema. -
Λατινοπούλου: Η Μελόνι και η Λεπέν δεν είναι Ακροδεξιά . Athens Voice. -
Λατινοπούλου (Φωνή Λογικής ):Ψηφίζουµε Bardellaκαι Le Penγια να σώσουν τη Γαλλία από την απώλεια της κυριαρχίας της . Bankingnews.gr. -
Λατινοπούλου: Βαφτίζουµε ακροδεξιό όποιον γράφει µε το δεξί χέρι –Δεν είναι ακροδεξιά η Λεπέν . Proto Thema. -
Προσφέρει µίσος και επιδιώκει την προσοχή: Η Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου… αυτοχειροκροτείται για την επίθεση στη Δανάη Μπάρκα µε αισχρές κουβέντες για τη Σοφία Χατζηπαντελή . Athens Magazine. -
Πρότζεκτ Λατινοπούλου. Η ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ . -
Η Λατινοπούλου και η κοινωνική απαξία της ντροπής . LIFO. -
Η πρόεδρος του κόµµατος «Φωνή Λογικής »,Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου στην «Πρωϊνή Ζώνη ». ACTION 24. -
Η Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου Έσπασε το Κοντέρ της Γραφικότητας . Vice. -
Inside Le Pen, Wilders and Salvini’s secret Brussels meeting. POLITICO.
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Η Δανάη Μπάρκα απάντησε στη Λατινοπούλου για το body shaming:Με αυτό το σώµα έχω χορέψει και ερωτευτεί . LIFO. -
Η αποστοµωτική απάντηση της Δανάης Μπάρκα στη Λατινοπούλου . Iefimerida.gr. -
Η αφοπλιστική απάντηση της Μπάρκα στη Λατινοπούλου . In.gr. -
Ο Καπουτζίδης απάντησε στη Λατινοπούλου που παραλλήλισε τους ΛΟΑΤΚΙ µε παιδεραστές και αιµοµίκτες . LIFO. -
Σε οµοφοβικό παραλήρηµα η Λατινοπούλου… εξισώνει την οµοφυλοφιλία µε την παιδεραστία . Documento. -
Ξέσπασµα Λατινοπούλου για εκδήλωση στη Θεσσαλονίκη: Είναι αδιανόητο drag queensνα διαβάζουν παραµύθια σε παιδιά . Proto Thema. -
Συνέδριο Γονιµότητας: Ακυρώθηκε µετά τον σάλο για το διαφηµιστικό σποτ . CNN.gr. -
Λατινοπούλου: Το συνέδριο γονιµότητας ακυρώθηκε λόγω πολιτικής ορθότητας –Κατάντια . Iefimerida.gr. -
Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου: Από τις αξύριστες µασχάλες και τους λαθροµετανάστες στην Ευρωβουλή. ΤΟ ΒΗΜΑ -
Latinopoulou on same-sex marriage: “It’s unnatural and against our religion”. Greek City Times.
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ΟΡΘΟΔΟΞΙΑ –Φωνή Λογικής . Voice of Reason Website. -
A
φροδίτη Λατινοπούλου: Η πρόεδρος του κόµµατος Φωνή Λογικής σε µια συνέντευξη που θα συζητηθεί . Espresso.
